Mediamax interview with Artashes Ikonomov, co-founder of the constitutional movement NZHAR

– In June 2023, you said that we should put aside our “I” in order to transform into “we.” As one of the co-founders of the Nzhar movement, does this mean you decided to create this “we” in practice?

– Exactly. Back in May 2023, my friends and I concluded that the reason for our country’s failure is the deep fragmentation within our society. Of course, everyone has their own individuality, but it should not take precedence when it comes to building a state.

After the collapse of the USSR, when we gained the opportunity to establish an independent Armenian state, the leaders of that time – lacking sufficient experience and preparation – failed to organize state institutions in a way that would make citizens see the state as a partner rather than an adversary constantly seeking to take something away from them.

The issue of trust in the state is fundamental. Once that trust is established, it will be much easier for us to transform from “I” into “we.” Only then will our state be able to form its own “I.”

A state with its own identity can guarantee the security of every citizen. Such a state will be attractive to investors and, as a result, economically prosperous. Our constitutional movement, NZHAR, proposes a framework for building precisely this kind of state.

– In a situation where Armenia’s future is far from guaranteed, you are essentially proposing the creation of a new type of state. How realistic and justified is it to pursue this now, when the country faces existential challenges?

– We propose global transformations in the structure of government now, because we have a clear vision and understanding of where the world is heading.

We understand that isolated reforms – whether in the economy, foreign or domestic policy, defense, or social systems – cannot bring lasting results. 

Of course, one can hope that honest and professional leaders will come to power and introduce positive changes. But what guarantee is there that populists will not replace them and bring the country back to the same practices we have seen over the past 35 years? 

That is precisely why, at this turning point in world history, we must unite and implement systemic changes that will prevent random figures and populists from gaining power for the next hundred years. We need institutions capable of cultivating truly professional national elite. 

Equally important is to join forces with the diaspora and work together to build a strong Armenian state. We propose that the diaspora be represented in the upper house of parliament, where it can engage in consultation and be assisted by the Armenian state. 

– You have nominated Nina Karapetyants for the position of Prime Minister of Armenia. Could this, in some sense, mean that male politicians in Armenia have exhausted society’s trust?

– I state this with full responsibility: today, there is not a single man in Armenia’s political field who both formally meets the constitutional requirements for nomination as prime minister and is truly worthy of the position – a person with high moral principles who has consistently fought against all previous regimes for the sake of establishing the rule of law.

Nina Karapetyants will give odds to all current candidates. She is an experienced leader, an honest person, and, most importantly, a person of high moral values. Nina Karapetyants is a mother of two children. Her son is of draft age, and Nina, like no one else, values peace and will do everything possible to ensure that Armenian children live in peace. 

- There is an opinion that new and small political forces will be unable to compete for victory in the upcoming elections and will merely “split the vote.” What is your response to this view?

– Our task is to unite all healthy forces and present active voters with a program that can truly change the situation in the country.

A program in which doctors, teachers, and military personnel will be among the most respected members of society; a program where one can earn well, but where flaunting wealth will be considered shameful. 

The program we are offering is unlike any other. Most political parties simply recycle old texts, change a few numbers, and begin promising higher salaries and pensions, lower taxes, and thousands of new factories. All of this is meaningless. Without changing the structure of governance, we will continue producing new authoritarian leaders – each of whom will later have to be pried out of their seats with pliers. 

Our model is designed to unite forces that do not seek personal power. It will also serve as a kind of litmus test, revealing who genuinely strives for change and who merely wants authority. 

We are already in dialogue with numerous political forces and are confident that not only will we enter parliament, but that we will achieve a decisive victory. 

– How do you envision your rise to power, and what could stand in the way?

– Our strategy is to secure around 600,000 votes, the majority of which will come from young people. We are confident that pensioners will also support us once they understand how we are prepared to increase their pensions by 100%. This is not an election promise, it’s a mathematically proven possibility.

We appeal to everyone who loves our country and is ready to join us in finally beginning to build the state we all dream of.

However, there are serious obstacles on this path. One of the key problems is Channel One, which calls itself a “public” broadcaster but in reality serves as a propaganda platform for the authorities. Its management, and particularly anchor Petros Ghazaryan, whose wife holds a ministerial post, openly lobby for the interests of the ruling party.

 

They ignore opposition voices that refuse to make deals with them. And even when such guests are invited on air, they are constantly interrupted, insulted, and targeted with slander and fake news.

This is a serious issue. If we do not return the public television channel to the people and remove the ruling party’s propagandists, it will be extremely difficult to reach audiences in the regions. But I am confident that even before the elections, we will succeed in reclaiming Public Television for society. 

– Your movement’s documents state: “We are here to establish a system where power belongs to its sole master – a self-determined society.” But does society truly have the will to “self-determine”? It’s hard not to notice the apathy that prevails among a significant part of the population.

– The apathy we see in society today has been created – and constantly reinforced – by leaders who lie before elections and then, once in power, live only for themselves and their close circles. The people of Armenia have always had the inner readiness for self-determination as a nation. However, authorities have done everything possible to suppress it, because a united and self-aware society is a direct threat to autocrats and crooks in power.

Therefore, they did everything they could to prevent people from self-determination, despite their inner need for it. And then the people were forced to take a different path to protect themselves in a country where laws and justice often do not work. In such circumstances, one can rely only on family, friends, and personal connections. 

This method of survival must become a thing of the past. Our country must finally step into the realm of law – together with its self-determined people.

- Most voters in Armenia do not participate in elections, and under these circumstances, the current authorities are able to mobilize their electorate. How do you plan to restore people’s trust in elections?

- As the recent municipal elections demonstrated, about 70% of citizens abstained from voting. The reason is simple: there is no genuinely new and honest political force capable of inspiring trust. These 70% are active citizens who once voted but now reject both the current and former leadership, adopting a “plague on both your houses” stance. 

And we are those who have never worked for any government. NZHAR unites people who have never served in government, never been close to those in power, and have always stood on the side of law and justice. We have never lived off government salaries. Unlike the many servants of the regime with their inflated paychecks, we are new people with practical ideas. 

We are fighters whose record speaks for itself. Even our women show more courage than the so-called “new old” politicians. I have no doubt that the people will come out and vote for us – because honesty and genuine energy can be felt even through a phone screen!

- It is assumed that if you win the election, you will initiate constitutional changes, which will take time. How will the country be governed until these changes are implemented? 

– We will enter the elections as a united coalition. Before the start of the election process, we will present a shadow government headed by Nina Karapetyants, which will release a tactical program. This program will outline our key priorities and a detailed three-to-five-year action plan covering both foreign and domestic policy.

As for constitutional reform itself, we plan to hold the referendum within one and a half to two years after coming to power.